justice, and to re-establish conditions of peaceful life in the area previously afflicted by the LRA. In addition, the United States will be providing to the government of Uganda a significant development and aid package to assist reconstruction in the area once Jungle Peace has achieved its objectives, details of which we will release in due course.’
Ellman watched the rest of the statement. The president explained that his decision was motivated not only by the deaths of thirty-nine Americans, but by the longstanding suffering of the people of northern Uganda. It was in America’s interest, he said, to alleviate injustice and oppression wherever it was, because it was in the interest of the United States to have a world that was free, prosperous and untainted by fear. He said the usual things about the grave responsibility of being commander in chief and the deep obligation this imposed to ensure that such a decision wasn’t taken lightly – which it hadn’t been. He thanked the government of the Republic of Kenya and its people for agreeing to facilitate access for US forces and he thanked the allies of the United States who had generously offered to consider joining the operation. Finally he introduced the commander of the operation.
Ellman watched the barrel-chested man, who the president had just named as Admiral Pete Pressler, step forward. He thanked the president for his confidence. He said that the bulk of forces were already in theater, and operations would commence within days.
Forces were in theater ? Marion Ellman’s disbelief had turned to rage long before the president had finished speaking. Now her anger went incandescent. How long had this been going on? When had American forces arrived in Uganda? When exactly had the president made the decision to go it alone?
She looked at the group standing with the president behind Pressler. Bob Livingstone gazed at the admiral, nodding now and again as he spoke.
THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR to the UN, François Dubigny, was first on the phone. The French had offered six helicopter pilots and a medical team to the coalition effort. Dubigny was an urbane Parisian who couldn’t quite resist a certain male gallantry – or call it chauvinism – whenever they spoke. He chuckled gently.
‘I think, Marion, you have been … how do you call it … a smokescreen, perhaps, for your president?’
Ellman was still boiling, but she wasn’t going to show that to Dubigny. ‘Not at all, François,’ she replied crisply. ‘For the last three weeks I’ve been saying the coalition had to be built quickly. I always said we weren’t going to wait forever.’
That was the line she had to take. It was about the only line she could take without appearing a complete jackass.
‘As you wish,’ said Dubigny. ‘If you ask me, three weeks is not forever. Perhaps your president, however, works to a different timetable, with an election marked at the end of it.’
‘He wants to get things done. He’s not prepared to wait around. I always said that.’
Dubigny chuckled again. ‘ Bon . Still, I have seen a few smokescreens in my time, and you, Marion, today, much to my regret, very much have the appearance of one.’
She had a lot more conversations that afternoon. Sir Antony Seale, the British ambassador, was predictably indignant. The Brits had offered a contingent of drone pilots to be based at US air force base Creech with the probable intention of learning as much as they could from their American counterparts. Other ambassadors were confused, or angry, and probably secretly relieved. Whatever they really felt, she was in an invidious position. Until the previous day she had been telling these same people the US was looking for a broad coalition and cajoling them to seek a speedy commitment from their leaders.
She let her anger out when she finally spoke with Bob Livingstone. The secretary of state said he had found out about the statement only the previous evening.