contingent.’
‘One carrier strike force.’ Stephenson threw a glance at the president and shrugged dismissively.
‘Nonetheless,’ said Livingstone, still trying to get the point across, ‘if we want to maximize this opportunity, we should take the extra time, build the coalition, and try to keep our relationships good for all the other reasons that we need them.’
‘The alternative view, Bob,’ said Gary Rose, ‘is that bold action, decisive action, does a lot to return us to the leadership position which, frankly, we’ve largely lost over the past few years. It shows the United States doing what it should do, setting out good, solid principles and leading the world in enforcing them. I’d rather see us do the other things from that position.’
‘I think we’re showing that leadership by what we’ve already done in getting the Security Council resolution,’ said Livingstone.
‘And I think you’ll squander it by what you’re suggesting,’ retorted Oakley.
‘Mr President,’ said General Hale, ‘it’s not my role to offer political advice, but in military terms, we can do this much cleaner and quicker if we do it ourselves.’
Livingstone looked at Hale in irritation. They could do it with others if they had to.
There was silence.
The president thought for a moment. ‘I think we can show strength in a coalition, even in this situation. Gary, I do think the United States can show leadership in that context. I don’t think that’s a door we should close right now. Bob, I think you should go out there and try to build a coalition for us. And in the meantime, Admiral Pressler, you should continue to develop the plan in case we have to go it alone. Let’s start talking to whoever we have to talk to in Nairobi.’
‘Yes, sir,’ said the admiral.
There was silence again. Bob Livingstone looked around. Everyone in the room was watching him. He felt like a guy who’d just volunteered to go way, way out on a limb.
‘Mr President, if I’m going to build a coalition, how long have I got?’
The president frowned. ‘I don’t know, Bob. Let’s see how it goes.’
4
IN HER OFFICE opposite the UN building, Marion Ellman watched the screen.
The statement was being made in the East Room of the White House. Flanking the president were John Oakley, Gary Rose, Bob Livingstone and two men in military uniform. Ellman recognized Mortlock Hale, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. She didn’t recognize the other one, a short, barrel-chested man with close-cropped hair.
The notification that a statement was to be made had come through to her office only an hour earlier. All she knew was that it involved the resolution for action in Uganda.
The president spoke.
‘Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for coming. I would like to announce today the United States deployment in response to Security Council resolution 2682, which, as you know, calls on willing parties to assist the government of the Republic of Uganda to combat the terrorist group known as the Lord’s Resistance Army. In the three weeks since the resolution was passed Secretary Livingstone has had numerous discussions with our allies across the world and we are appreciative of the generous support they have offered. It has also become clear to us that what will best serve the interests of the situation is a rapid, active deployment to deal with this problem once and for all. In consultation with the government of Uganda, I have therefore decided to press ahead immediately with a deployment of US forces in an operation that we are calling Jungle Peace.’
Marion Ellman stared at the screen. Immediately? Was that what the president had said? Immediately?
‘The objective of operation Jungle Peace will be as outlined in resolution 2682, namely, to assist the government of the Republic of Uganda to remove the Lord’s Resistance Army from its territory, to apprehend, if possible, its leaders and foot soldiers and to deliver them to