staff.
Kevin Hardison was the kind of type A personality who cared only about results. As the president’s right-hand man, he was unencumbered with the obligation—or the talent—to maintain personal relationships. He didn’t seem to care whose feelings he hurt or careers he ruined in his quest to achieve the administration’s goals. Although Hardison treated the rest of the White House staff fairly, with equal disdain, he seemed to have reserved a special spot in that black void where his heart should have been for Christine.
This wasn’t the first time she had worked with Hardison, and the previous experience had been altogether different. The two had met on Congressman Tim Johnson’s staff, working in his office in Rayburn Hall. Christine, fresh out of Penn State with a political science degree, had been paired up with Hardison, ten years her senior, to learn the ropes. The two had gotten along well, developing what she thought was a strong friendship.
So it was no surprise to Christine that Hardison had recommended her to the president. However, Hardison had assumed she was still the malleable staffer she once was, and that he would be able to force her to acquiesce to his policy initiatives. Hardison hadn’t responded well to his rude awakening once she assumed the role of national security adviser.
As Christine navigated the hazards of disagreeing with the powerful chief of staff, it didn’t take long to determine why the president had selected her for his national security adviser. As a congressional staffer, Christine had specialized in weapon procurement programs, analyzing and recommending adjustments to the budget. Her weapon system expertise had proved valuable to the current administration, as few, if any, on staff knew the difference between a Tomahawk and a Standard missile, between a Sidewinder and an AIM-9X, or even the basic difference between a mortar, a howitzer, and an artillery gun, the latter distinction being crucial to those fighting in the mountainous regions of Afghanistan.
Perhaps even more important was the experience she had gained as the assistant secretary of defense for special operations and low-intensity conflict, along with a two-year stint as the director of nuclear defense policy. Her track record working for both Republicans and Democrats was noteworthy, and her ties to the Defense Department’s congressional supporters were extensive. Her ability to liaison effectively with key representatives and senators on both sides of the aisle had proved useful to the president, who, as a former governor of a Midwestern state, was considered a Washington outsider.
One of the staff secretaries entered Christine’s office with a stack of files in her arms. Seeing the bottle of ibuprofen, the secretary came to a quick and correct conclusion. “You’re meeting with Hardison, aren’t you, Miss O’Connor?”
Christine nodded, smiling weakly. The chief of staff had crafted yet another plan to restructure the nation’s intelligence agencies, no different from the last in any meaningful way, and was awaiting her endorsement. That endorsement would not be forthcoming. She believed the endless reorganizations, despite the impressive names and ambitious proclamations, did nothing more than change the tablecloth. The only way to make significant changes was to break some china. But the venerable intelligence agencies had far too many congressional allies for any meaningful reorganization to occur.
As Christine prepared to review the four reorganizations since September 11, 2001, the secretary clutched the files against her chest, evidently not noticing Christine wasn’t in a particularly talkative mood. Christine was about to politely request the files when she spotted Hardison, headed down the hallway toward her office, a frown on his face.
“Speak of the devil,” the secretary whispered. “And he doesn’t look too pleased.”
* * *
Hardison entered Christine’s