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Wilson and the Campaign for the Domestic Allotment (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1970); and Edward L. Schapsmeier and Frederick H. Schapsmeier, “Farm Policy from FDR to Eisenhower: Southern Democrats and the Politics of Agriculture,” Agricultural History 53, no. 1 (January 1979): 352–71. The latter authors argue that the AAA, passed in 1933, aimed to “raise farm income by restricting total output” (359). Also see Willard W. Cochrane and Mary E. Ryan, American Farm Policy, 1948–1978 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976), and John Mark Hansen, Gaining Access, Congress and the Farm Lobby, 1919–1981 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
    28. Sheingate, The Rise of the Agricultural Welfare State. This author argues that “small changes in production can produce large swings in (farm commodity) price” (24).
    29. Some surplus food was also used for the first, short-lived food stamp program. This program was disbanded during World War II. Maurice MacDonald, Food Stamps and Income Maintenance (New York: Academic Press, 1977). Janet Poppendieck argues that the move of surplus policy into the Agriculture Department “marked the beginning of a process by which food assistance was increasingly divorced from federal relief and integrated with the Agriculture Department’s price support programs” (Breadlines, 175).
    30. Gunderson, “The National School Lunch Program,” 7. P.L. 320, August 1935, authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to make available money from customs duties to “encourage the domestic consumption of certain agricultural commodities … by diverting them from the normal channels of trade and commerce.” This was not the first time the USDA had ventured into the realm of markets. As early as the Progressive Era, the USDA had created an Office of Markets, which became the Bureau of Markets in 1919 and, finally, the Office of Farm Management and Bureau of Crop Estimates, part of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics. See Elizabeth Sanders, Roots ofReform: Farmers, Workers, and the American State, 1877–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 393. Also see MacDonald, Food Stamps and Income Maintenance, 2. On Milo Perkins, also see Richard Osborn Cummings, The American and His Food: A History of Food Habits in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), 218. Also see Milo Perkins, “Our Population is Commodity Rich and Consumption Poor,” address, n.d. (probably October 1940), Martha May Eliot Papers, Box 17, folder 236, Schlesinger Library. On Tolley, see Richard S. Kirkendall, “Howard Tolley and Agricultural Planning in the 1930s,” Agricultural History 33 (January 1965); 25–33, and Rowley, M. L. Wilson. Tolley and Wilson worked together during the 1920s. Rowley suggests that Tolley, like Wilson, saw three factors as key to the development of American farming: large-scale tractors and power machinery, increasing the size of family farms, and reducing costs to farmers. See pp. 50–51. On Milo Perkins, see Baldwin, Poverty and Politics, 243. Perkins came from Texas and left a successful burlap bag business to work with Secretary of Agriculture Wallace. He went to work for the Farm Security Administration in 1937.
    31. This first food stamp program was disbanded during World War II.
    32. House Hearings, 1945, pp. 3–4.
    33. “The Fate of School Feeding,” JHE editorial, June 1943, p. 360. Dora S. Lewis and Phyllis Sprague, “A Survey of School Lunchrooms,” JHE, November 1936, p. 602.
    34. See Statistical Abstract of the United States, 91st ed. (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of the Census, 1970), Table 146, “School Enrollment by Type of School, 1930–1968,” 104, and Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1980, 101st ed., Table 218, “Public and Private School Number by Level, 1940–1979,” 138.
    35. Gunderson, “The