of the
bombs used HEU from the Pakistani facility at Kahuta, but at least one of them
used HEU from a Chinese enrichment facility. We know through investigation of
A. Q. Khan’s nuclear black market operation that the Pak bomb program had,
indeed, obtained HEU from the Chinese.
“In 2006 and 2009, when the North Koreans
tested plutonium weapons, also underground, analyses showed the plutonium was
reprocessed at Yongbyon, something that the North Koreans publicly confirmed.”
At this, he
paused briefly before adding, with emphasis, “Paternity works, Mr. President!”
After a short silence, Martin said, “Who
in the Rogers
administration knew about Paternity?”
“Mr. President, since 1976 only a small
group of intelligence people have known about Paternity in order to keep the
program ready. Typically, presidents have directed that their national security
advisor, secretary of defense, chairman of the JCS, and heads of the House and
Senate select intelligence committees be kept in the loop.
“There’ve been variations: In 1998,
President Clinton had Secretary of State Albright brought in so she could
confront the Chinese ambassador about their assistance to Pakistan’s
nuclear bomb program. In Bush Two, no surprise, Vice President Cheney was in
the program.
“In sum, it has been a tight circle—and
with good reason. Since Nine-eleven, there have been occasional news articles
suggesting that governments are trying to develop some capacity to determine
the origin of nuclear materials. As a result of your predecessors’ caution,
there has never been even a hint about Paternity.”
“You just said that Albright told the
Chinese about Paternity—who knows who they’ve told?”
“That’s so, Mr. President, but it hasn’t
been in their interest to reveal it. One doubts that this is an episode of
which they are particularly proud. The Paks didn’t ask permission before using
the HEU in a test or even give the Chinese a heads-up. When Secretary Albright
gave their ambassador a dressing-down, it caught the Chinese flat-footed. They
don’t like that sort of thing.”
Martin thought for a moment. “Mac and the
committee chairs already know—right?”
Hendricks nodded.
“Then for now brief only Eric and John.
I’ll bring Bruce in if he needs to get involved.”
Hendricks knew the vice president, Bruce
Griffith, would be upset if he learned of this decision because he’d see being
in the program as a sign of prestige. It was revealing that Martin was cutting
him out—an observation he filed away.
“Mr. President, a few minutes ago I
mentioned A. Q. Khan, known as the father of the Muslim bomb.”
Martin nodded.
“Dr. Khan didn’t only enable Pakistan to go nuclear. We’ve followed his footprints through the clandestine nuclear
weapon programs of North Korea,
Libya, Iran, Iraq,
and South Africa.
We suspect al-Qaeda approached him. Kahn probably rebuffed al-Qaeda, but he did
sell uranium enrichment technology, equipment, and probably warhead
plans—Chinese, we think—to those countries. He may also have sold weapons-grade
uranium and plutonium to them or others. Truth be told, we just don’t know all
his customers, despite the fact that his activities were revealed
and—probably—halted in 2004.
Hendricks flicked a bit of lint from the
left sleeve of his dark suit, somehow subtly linking that gesture to his words,
“The Khan connection is just a footnote, but this seemed a good time to mention
it.”
Chapter 5
Crisp in a navy suit, President Martin
looked into the faces of the bedraggled White House press corps, crowded and
hot in an underground concrete box, overflowing into a mildew-speckled
corridor. Excitement, fear, anger, exhaustion, and a sour odor infused the
humid air.
Sam
thinks it’s too soon for a press conference , Rick thought, too
risky because we know almost nothing, but dammit, I need to engage them. It’s
bad enough I’m in this
Robert Jordan, Brandon Sanderson