arrived in the Bavarian capital at 3.40 p.m. â much delayed by stopping at every major station to hook up the train to the railway telegraph system to glean the latest news from the Mediterranean. By the time the Führersonderzug reached Munichâs main station, the Allied landings in French North Africa had begun. This was Operation Torch, under the overall command of the fifty- two-year -old from Kansas, General Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Opposition should have come in the form of 120,000 Vichy French troops under Admiral François Darlan. Their loyalty was questionable, the Allies even supposing that some Vichy elements would support the landing. Resistance in Morocco and Algiers proved tenacious in some places, sporadic elsewhere, but enough to see a death toll of just under 2,000 accruing to the two sides, the sinking of a number of ships, and Darlan himself declaring for the Allies, before the bridgeheads were established.
For Hitler, as he was driven to the Löwenbräukeller to address the Party faithful, the implications of the landings were obvious. With Rommel in retreat after Montgomeryâs desert victory, the Axis forces in the whole North African theatre were now threatened: the balance of power in the Mediterranean hadshifted dramatically in the Alliesâ favour. Seven hundred miles away in Downing Street, Churchill took a similar line. On 10 November 1942 he famously told the Lord Mayorâs Luncheon at the Mansion House in the City of London, âNow this is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.â 1 Both leaders saw that even Germany herself was imperilled if the Allies seized the opportunity to invade unoccupied southern France, the Zone Libre under the control of Pétainâs Vichy administration. From Algiers, the French Riviera was just a hop across the wine-dark Mediterranean. From the Riviera, Germany was virtually in sight.
Fall Anton â Operation Anton â had been thoughtfully developed by OKW for just such a contingency. This was the completion of the Third Reichâs occupation of France, the seizing of the Zone Libre, the margins of which were the countryâs tempting Mediterranean coast and her Alpine border with Italy.
Now Hitler at once directed the plan to be dusted off. At 8.30 on the morning of 10 November â just as Churchill was rehearsing his speech â the Führer gave the order for Axis forces to defy the terms of the armistice with Vichy and occupy the Zone Libre. He excused the action by declaring, âAfter the treachery in North Africa, the reliability of French troops can no longer be guaranteed.â 2
The implications for the French Alps along the border that zigzagged north from Nice to Geneva were far-reaching. The Italians had already occupied the fringes of this frontier area during the faltering campaign of June 1940. They had remained there under the terms of the Franco-Italian armistice. Now the Italian Fourth Army under the balding, bespectacled fifty- four-year -old Generale Mario Vercellino marched a further seventy-five miles west to Avignon in the south and Vienne in the north. The Italians assumed control of Nice itself, capital of the Alpes-Maritimes ; further north in the Rhône-Alpes they took the capital of the ancient province of Dauphiné, Grenoble; Chambéry, the capital of Savoie; and Annecy, capital of the Haute-Savoie. In all, this was an area comprising eight
départements
.
Occupied Zones in France
Further north in the Alps, Vichy Franceâs border with Switzerland between Geneva and Basel â the
départements
of Ain, Jura, and Doubs â was seized by the German Seventh Army, so closing the fascist ring on the tiny democracy.
Having brazenly assured the junketing Nazis in the Löwenbräukeller that Stalingrad was firmly in the hands of Generalfeldmarschall Friedrich Paulusâs Sixth Army, Hitler had retreated