Lethal Trajectories Read Online Free PDF Page B

carriers and expanding submarine and surface ship capacity to project our power far beyond the China Sea. We will also push to realize our rightful claim to the Daioye Islands and gradually marginalize Taiwan for eventual friendly takeover.”
    “Excellent summary, Peng,” Lin responded, comparing his own notes for a moment. “I assume you’ll fill in the pieces and get the minutes out in a couple of days.”
    Wang nodded in concurrence, and Lin continued.
    “Now, please tell me now how you think I might best approach President Burkmeister in the call I must make in the next few hours.” Lin appreciated Wang Peng’s knowledge of America and was well aware of his close personal ties with the McCarty family.
    “Burkmeister and McCarty are wise men,” Wang responded. “They are well aware of China’s financial leverage over them, so you need not mention it. If you refrain from that implied threat, they will interpret it as a good-faith effort on your part.” He weighed his words carefully before continuing.
    “You might want to approach President Burkmeister as a compatriot who, like you, leads a powerful country susceptible to hard-line forces more content to strike first and ask questions later. Tell him we don’t want war. Suggest to him that your Politburo, like his Congress, is often hard to contain and that you need a little latitude from the United States to hold them off. He’ll appreciate your candor. The Americans are very direct people and take such things as a sign of trustworthiness.” Lin Cheng nodded appreciatively.
    “You might start by telling him the Japanese ambassador will be expelled as a symbolic statement of our displeasure. Depending on your level of comfort, you might then suggest that you would be willing to share with him in advance any significant actions to be taken against Japan. Suggest to him that such information-sharing would not be possible if the United States were to send their Seventh Fleet into the waters of the East China Sea. I know you have high regard for the president, and it might not hurt to mention that as well. Frankly, I think he will be surprised and grateful for your conciliatory and open-minded approach and see it as a sign of willingness to work through the crisis in a reasonable manner. He may not get the same response from Japan, and if so this will work even more in our favor.”
    Wang suddenly realized he might have been a little too commanding and added, “I apologize for my candor and directness, Mr. Chairman. I mean you no disrespect, but I have too much respect for you to not give you the best answers I possibly can.”
    “Peng,” the chairman said warmly, “I can’t tell you how much I appreciate your candor and counsel, and I will make use of your suggested approach. Let’s see, it’s almost 3:55 in the afternoon here and, ah, 3:55 in the morning in Washington. I’ll make the call at about seven o’clock our time. Please make arrangements with the White House. Will you be here for the call?”
    “Of course, Mr. Chairman, and I think seven would be just fine.” Three hours seemed like an interminably long wait, but from what Wang knew of the American president, he expected that these two supremely powerful men would connect on a personal level. He shuddered to think of the alternative.
    The Situation Room
13 September 2017
    Like all presidents before him, President Burkmeister had tweaked his national security apparatus to fit his own organizational and management style. He was attracted from the beginning to the idea of a small but potent force of advisors with the clout and smarts to cut through red tape and make things happen. He dubbed this special group his “SWAT team,” and they were, in effect, the leading players within the larger National Security Council structure. More often than not, policy was formulated in this group and disseminated later, for execution, to the larger NSC body.
    Retired four-star admiral William McElroy