featured in this book were once autocratic imperial powers themselves. Sad to say, history also abounds
with nonimperial rulers who brutally exploited their own people.
Nonetheless, the implication that imperial methods remain viable
because nonwestern peoples are still backward has allowed the naive,
the venal, and the corrupt to continue to promise that imperial hard
power can enhance national defense, improve international security,
serve humanitarian causes, and fi ght the “war on terror.”
18 THE RULE OF EMPIRES
This top-down view of empire disguises the fundamental reality that imperial subjecthood was and remains intolerable. Even the
liberal British and French empires of the last century were born of
blood and conquest. Ferguson may have excused the initial violence
of empire building as “imperial overkill,” but there is no escaping the
almost genocidal viciousness in the satisfaction the British deputy
commissioner of Bechuanaland took in the slaughter of Ndebele soldiers during the conquest of Rhodesia (Zimbabwe). “I must confess
that it would offer me sincere and lasting satisfaction if I could see the
Matabele Matjaha cut down by our own rifl es and machine guns like
a cornfi eld by a reaping machine and I would not spare a single one if
I could have my way.”19
The establishment of more formal rule ended the overt violence
of these Orwellian “pacifi cation campaigns,” but Africans continued
to die for imperial masters while working in the fi elds and mines.
As in earlier eras, the labor of common people remained the only
signifi cant source of profi t in the new empires. The supposedly modernizing imperial states of the last century relied on unfree labor,
privileged foreign commercial interest, and discouraged the diversifi cation of commodity production. They were hardly free and liberal.
Eloquently rebutting the imperial apologists’ balance sheets, the poet
Aimé Césaire declared: “They throw facts at my head, statistics, mileages of roads, canals, and railroad tracks. I am talking about thousands
of men sacrifi ced to the Congo-Ocean [railway]. I am talking about
those who . . . are digging the harbor of Abidjan by hand.”20 Césaire
was not exaggerating the lethality of imperial labor. The Belgian,
French, and British authorities expended the lives of roughly eighteen hundred coerced African workers in the construction of a single
railway line from Matadi to Léopoldville in the Belgian Congo.21
Like the schools and hospitals enumerated by Gann and Duignan,
the Matadi-Léopoldville line served western empire builders. If the
new imperialists left independent African nations with a rudimentary capitalist infrastructure, it was by chance, not design.
The common experience of imperial rule throughout history has
been oppression. In their scorn for these supposedly “liberal” French
and British empires, Césaire and the former soldier Daniel Nguta
provide a powerful rejoinder to modern scholars and policy makers
who invoke historical examples to extol the virtues and rewards of
Introduction 19
imperial ventures. For there were Daniel Ngutas in every empire, even
ancient Rome. Imperial apologists can laud the Romans for bringing
civilization to the British Isles because the names and experiences of
the common Britons who became Roman subjects have been lost to
history. Yet the story of how simple people have the power to thwart
grand imperial projects begins in this remote and backward corner of
the Roman Empire.
Wall of Pius
N
Tweed R.
Hadrian’s Wall
Tyne R.
B R I G A N T E S
Eburacum
(York)
PARISI
Humber R.
Deva
(Chester)
O R D O V I C E
PARISI
I C E N I
E S
R
U
L
D O B U N I Verulamium
I
S
(St. Albans)
Camulodunum
TRINOVANTES
(Colchester)
Londinium
Calleva Atrebatum
(Silchester)
B E L G A E
Regnum
I I
(Chichester)
N
D U R
O
O T R I G E S
Gessoriacum
N
(Boulogne)
M
U
Isca Dumnoniorum
D
(Exeter)
0 10 20