The Race Read Online Free PDF Page B
Author: Richard North Patterson
block him. But Rohr personifies everything that's going wrong with this country—"
"Everything?"
"Damn near. His guiding belief is that he needs more—more money, more power. He'll favor Republicans only as long as we give him what he wants: a media monopoly, immunity from lawsuits, lower taxes, and new ways of amassing wealth.
"The last time Rohr honored the Senate with his presence, he wanted the right to set up his own broadcast network
and
buy a string of TV stations. Some of us started balking. So Rohr effectively bribed our former majority leader with a huge book deal worth hundreds of thousands more than his moronic screed was worth.
"You remember what happened next: our peerless leader slipped Rohr's bill through the Senate before anyone realized that Rohr had bought him off. And when the stink from
that
got too great for our leader to run again, Rohr hired him to front a talk show on Rohr News, where, funnily enough, he shills for Rohr's pet causes." Corey shook his head. "Call me naive, but when they first asked me to run for the Senate, I was in awe. Becoming a senator seemed like something fine, where people would trust you to help make our country a better place. I haven't quite accepted that I'm a whore with a fancy title."
Resigned, Jack shook his head. As they entered the hearing room, Corey rested a hand on his shoulder. "Cheer up, pal—the coverage should be terrific. There are still a few networks and newspapers Alex Rohr doesn't own."
AS COREY TOOK his seat next to Senator Carl Halprin, the testy veteran who served as committee chair, a glance around the room proved his estimate correct: the hearing was standing room only, with reporters, cameramen, and photographers lined against the walls. As Alex Rohr entered the room, the cameras began snapping.
Rohr took his seat at the witness table, flanked by two lawyers who specialized in media ownership. With his smooth face, slicked-back brown hair, and a hand-tailored suit that fit his trim form perfectly, Alex Rohr looked as sleek as a seal. But what struck Corey was his expression: closed off and yet self-satisfied, with an expression in his dark eyes that suggested disdain for this tiresome necessity. Rohr scanned the panel of senators, his gaze lingering on Corey. "The staff thinks you're looking to make trouble," Halprin murmured to Corey.
Though Corey smiled, he kept watching Alex Rohr. "Not for you, Carl."
THE INITIAL QUESTIONING after Rohr's statement—first from Senator Halprin and then from Senator Rives, the ranking Democrat—confirmed what Corey suspected: most Republicans would line up with Rohr, most Democrats oppose him. Which made Corey the wild card—or, in Carl Halprin's estimate, the joker.
"Senator Grace," Halprin asked in a neutral tone, "do you have any questions for the witness?"
"I do." Looking up from his notes, Corey paused, as if a new thought had struck him. "Let me ask you a philosophical question, Mr. Rohr. How much is enough?"
Though one corner of his mouth twitched in ironic comprehension, Rohr feigned puzzlement. In his careful Oxbridge accent—which, Corey privately asserted, Rohr had learned by watching tapes of
Masterpiece Theatre
—Rohr replied, "I'm sorry, Senator Grace. But I'm not quite sure what you mean."
"Then let's define 'enough.' According to this committee, you own five magazines; three major film studios; a home-video company; a cable provider; four record labels; two publishing houses, one for general-interest readers and the other for conservative Christians; a major broadcast network; the highest-rated cable news network; the nation's largest newspaper chain; and one hundred and nineteen talk-radio stations." Pausing, Corey flashed a smile. "Forgive me if I've omitted something—we have a hard time keeping up. But would you say that this laundry list qualifies as 'enough'?"
Rohr spread his hands. "In the America I came to, of which I am now a citizen, the operative words were 'freedom' and
"Everything?"
"Damn near. His guiding belief is that he needs more—more money, more power. He'll favor Republicans only as long as we give him what he wants: a media monopoly, immunity from lawsuits, lower taxes, and new ways of amassing wealth.
"The last time Rohr honored the Senate with his presence, he wanted the right to set up his own broadcast network
and
buy a string of TV stations. Some of us started balking. So Rohr effectively bribed our former majority leader with a huge book deal worth hundreds of thousands more than his moronic screed was worth.
"You remember what happened next: our peerless leader slipped Rohr's bill through the Senate before anyone realized that Rohr had bought him off. And when the stink from
that
got too great for our leader to run again, Rohr hired him to front a talk show on Rohr News, where, funnily enough, he shills for Rohr's pet causes." Corey shook his head. "Call me naive, but when they first asked me to run for the Senate, I was in awe. Becoming a senator seemed like something fine, where people would trust you to help make our country a better place. I haven't quite accepted that I'm a whore with a fancy title."
Resigned, Jack shook his head. As they entered the hearing room, Corey rested a hand on his shoulder. "Cheer up, pal—the coverage should be terrific. There are still a few networks and newspapers Alex Rohr doesn't own."
AS COREY TOOK his seat next to Senator Carl Halprin, the testy veteran who served as committee chair, a glance around the room proved his estimate correct: the hearing was standing room only, with reporters, cameramen, and photographers lined against the walls. As Alex Rohr entered the room, the cameras began snapping.
Rohr took his seat at the witness table, flanked by two lawyers who specialized in media ownership. With his smooth face, slicked-back brown hair, and a hand-tailored suit that fit his trim form perfectly, Alex Rohr looked as sleek as a seal. But what struck Corey was his expression: closed off and yet self-satisfied, with an expression in his dark eyes that suggested disdain for this tiresome necessity. Rohr scanned the panel of senators, his gaze lingering on Corey. "The staff thinks you're looking to make trouble," Halprin murmured to Corey.
Though Corey smiled, he kept watching Alex Rohr. "Not for you, Carl."
THE INITIAL QUESTIONING after Rohr's statement—first from Senator Halprin and then from Senator Rives, the ranking Democrat—confirmed what Corey suspected: most Republicans would line up with Rohr, most Democrats oppose him. Which made Corey the wild card—or, in Carl Halprin's estimate, the joker.
"Senator Grace," Halprin asked in a neutral tone, "do you have any questions for the witness?"
"I do." Looking up from his notes, Corey paused, as if a new thought had struck him. "Let me ask you a philosophical question, Mr. Rohr. How much is enough?"
Though one corner of his mouth twitched in ironic comprehension, Rohr feigned puzzlement. In his careful Oxbridge accent—which, Corey privately asserted, Rohr had learned by watching tapes of
Masterpiece Theatre
—Rohr replied, "I'm sorry, Senator Grace. But I'm not quite sure what you mean."
"Then let's define 'enough.' According to this committee, you own five magazines; three major film studios; a home-video company; a cable provider; four record labels; two publishing houses, one for general-interest readers and the other for conservative Christians; a major broadcast network; the highest-rated cable news network; the nation's largest newspaper chain; and one hundred and nineteen talk-radio stations." Pausing, Corey flashed a smile. "Forgive me if I've omitted something—we have a hard time keeping up. But would you say that this laundry list qualifies as 'enough'?"
Rohr spread his hands. "In the America I came to, of which I am now a citizen, the operative words were 'freedom' and