The Caryatids
heritage."
    Montalban was rich, he was from Los Angeles—which was to say, Montalban was from the Dispensation. Montalban was from the other global civil society, the other successor to the failed order of nation-states, the other global postdisaster network.
    Acquis people struggled for justice. Dispensation people always talked about business. There were other differences between the two world governments, but that was the worst of it, that was the core of it. Everything the Acquis framed as common decency, the Dispensation framed as a profit opportunity. The Dispensation considered the world to be a business: a planetary "sustainable business." Those people were all business to the bone.
    Montalban had clearly come here to spy for the Dispensation, al-though global civil societies didn't have any "spying." They weren't na-tions: so they had no "spying" and no "war." They had "verification" and
    "coopetition" instead. They were the functional equivalents of spying and war, only much more modern, more in the spirit of the 2060s.
    Vera wiped sweat from her aching brow. Maybe she could defy Her-bert, put on her trusty boneware, grab that "coopetitor" by the scruff of his neck, and "verify" him rightback onto his boat. If she did that—in a burst of righteous fury—how much real trouble could that cause? Maybe the cadres would sincerely admire her heartfelt burst of fury.
    The Dispensation prized its right to "verify" what the Acquis did.
    "Verification" was part of the arrangement between the network superpowers—a political arrangement, a detente, to make sure that no one was secretly building old-fashioned world-smashing super-weapons. In practice, "verification" was just another nervous habit of the new political order. The news was sure to leak over some porous network anyway, so it was better just to let the opposition "verify" . . . It kept them busy. Montalban had already toured an island attention camp . . . He was photographing it, taking many notes . . . Shopping for something, probably . . .
    Vera knew that the Dispensation feared Acquis attention camps. The Dispensation had their own camps, of course, but not attention camps—and besides, the Dispensation never called them "refugee camps," but used smoothly lying buzzwords such as "new housing projects," "enter-tainment destinations," and
    "sustainable suburbs."
    Attention camps were a particularly brilliant Acquis advance in human rehabilitation. So the other global civil society glumly opposed them. That was typical of the struggle. The Dispensation dug in their heels about advanced Acquis projects that couldn't fit their crass, mate-rialist philosophy. They scared up popular scandals, they brought their "soft-power" pressure . . . They were hucksters with all kinds of tricks.
    A bluebottle fly buzzed Vera's bare face—the pests were bad in sum-mer. No, she wouldn't attack Montalban and evict him while wearing her armor. That was a stupid emotional impulse, not coolheaded diplo-macy. Vera had limited experience outside Mljet, but she was an Acquis officer. The word got around inside the corps. There were professional ways to handle bad situations like this. Annoying and slow ways, but pro-fessional ways.
    When some Dispensation snoop showed up at an Acquis project to "verify," the sophisticated tactic was to "counterverify." Fight fire with fire. The big operators handled it that way. She could watch whatever Montalban did, watch him like a hawk. Stick to him like glue, be very "helpful" to him, help him to death. Get in his way; interfere; quibble, quibble, quibble; work to rules; mire him in boring procedures. Make a passive-aggressive pest of herself.
    There was certainly no glory in that behavior. Spying on people was the pit of emotional dishonesty.It was likely to make her into the shame of the camp. Vera Mihajlovic: the spy. Everyone would know about it, and how she felt about it.
    Yet someone had to take action. Vera resolved to do it.
    Through
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