Phoenix Program Read Online Free PDF

organizing GVN repression. The CIA did this by composing and planting distorted articles in foreign and domestic newspapers and by composing “official” communiques which appeared to have originated within the GVN itself. This disinformation campaign led predisposed Americans to believe that the GVN was a legitimately elected representative government, a condition which was a necessary prerequisite for the massive aid programs that supported the CIA’s covert action programs. Insofar as language—information management—perpetuated the myth that Americans were the GVN’s advisers, not its manufacturer, public support was rallied for continued intervention.
    Next, the CIA judges a covert action program on its intelligence potential—its ability to produce information on the enemy’s political, military, and economic infrastructure. That is why the CIA’s covert action branch operates as an intelligence arm under cover of civic action. What makes these intelligence operations covert is not any mistaken impression on the part of the enemy, but rather the CIA’s ability to deny plausibly involvement in them to the American public. Here again, language is the key.
    For example, during Senate hearings into CIA assassination plots against Fidel Castro and other foreign leaders, “plausible denial” was defined by the CIA’s deputy director of operations Richard Bissell as the use of circumlocution and euphemism in discussions where precise definitions would expose covert actions and bring them to an end. 8
    The Church Committee report says, “In November 1962 the proposal for a new covert action program to overthrow Castro was developed. The President’s Assistant, Richard Goodwin, and General Edward Lansdale, who was experienced in counter-insurgency operations, played major staff roles in creating this program, which was named Operation MONGOOSE.” A special group was created to oversee Mongoose, and Lansdale was made its chief of operations. Those operations included “executive actions.” 9
    A memo written by Lansdale and introduced during the hearings in part states that the “Attack on the cadre of the regime including key leaders … should be a ‘Special Target’ operation. CIA defector operations are vital here. Gangster elements might prove the best recruitment potential for actions against police G-2 officials.” When questioned about his language, Lansdale testified that the words “actions” and “attack” actually meant killing. He also testified that “criminal elements” were contracted for use in the attack against Castro. He euphemistically called these gangsters the Caribbean Survey Group. 10
    Further to ensure plausible denial, the CIA conducts covert action under cover of proprietary companies like Air America and the Freedom Company, through veterans and business organizations, and various other fronts. As in the case of fake newspaper articles and official communiqués, the idea is to use disinformation to suggest initiatives fostering positive values—freedom, patriotism, brotherhood, democracy—while doing dirty deeds behind the scenes. In CIA jargon this is called black propaganda and is the job of political and psychological (PP) officers in the covert action branch. PP officers played a major role in packaging Phoenix for sale to the American public as a program designed “to protect the people from terrorism.” 11
    Language, in its narrowest political-warfare application, is used to create defectors. Not only were defectors valued for their ability to sap the enemy’s will to fight, but having worked on the inside, defectors were also the most accurate and timely source of intelligence on Vietcong and NVA unit strength and location. For that reason they made the best guides and trackers. After defecting, many returned immediately to their area of operations with a