stared at him, quietly amazed. ‘Master Cicero is a lucky man, indeed. How practical you are, Tiro. A brutal stabbing takes place before your very eyes, and what do you see? A business prospect.’
Tiro was stung by my laughter. ‘But some advocates make a great deal of money that way. Cicero says that Hortensius employs no fewer than three servants whose only job is to roam the streets, keeping an eye out for likely cases.’
I laughed again. ‘I doubt that your Cicero would care to take on that gladiator for a client, or the gladiator’s owner. More to the point, I doubt that they would care to deal with your master, or with any other advocate. The interested parties will seek justice in the usual way: blood for blood. If they don’t care to take on the job themselves – though the stabbed man’s friends hardly look cowardly or squeamish to me – they’ll do what everyone else does, and hire one of the gangs to do it for them. The gang will find the assailant, or the assailant’s brother, and stab him in return; the new victim’s family will hire a rival gang to return the violence, and so on. That, Tiro, is Roman justice.’
I managed to smile, giving Tiro permission to take it as a joke. Instead, his face became more clouded. ‘Roman justice,’ I said more sombrely, ‘for those who can’t afford an advocate, or perhaps don’t even know what an advocate is. Or know, and don’t trust them, believing all courts are a sham. It’s just as likely that what we saw was the middle of such a blood feud, not its beginning. The man with the knife may have had nothing to do with the embalmers or the dead girl. Perhaps he was just waiting for the right moment to strike the blow, and who knows why or how far back the quarrel goes? Best to keep your nose out of it. There’s no one you can call upon to stop it.’
This last was true, and a constant source of astonishment to visitors from foreign capitals, or to anyone unaccustomed to life in a republic: Rome has no police force. There is no armed municipal body to keep order within the city walls. Occasionally some violence-weary senator will propose that such a force be created. The response on all sides is immediate: ‘ But who will own these police ?’ And they are right. In a country ruled by a king, the loyalty of the police runs in a clear, straight line to the monarch. Rome, on the other hand, is a republic (ruled at the time of which I write by a dictator, it is true, but a temporary and constitutionally legal dictator). In Rome, whoever plotted and schemed to get himself appointed chief of such a police force would simply use it for his own aggrandizement, while his minions’ biggest problem would be deciding from whom to accept the largest bribe, and whether to serve that person or stab him in the back. Police would serve only as a tool for one faction to use against another. Police would merely become one more gang for the public to contend with. Rome chooses to live without police.
We left the square behind, and the Subura Way as well. I led Tiro into a narrow street I knew of, a shortcut. Like most streets in Rome, it has no name. I call it the Narrows.
The street was dim and musty, hardly more than a slit between two high walls. The bricks and paving stones were beaded with moisture, spotted with mould. The walls themselves seemed to sweat; the cobblestones exhaled the odour of dampness, an almost animal smell, rank and not entirely unpleasant. It was a street never touched by the sun, never dried by its heat, or purified by its light – filled with steam at high summer, coated with ice in winter, eternally damp. There are a thousand such streets in Rome, tiny worlds set apart from the greater world, secluded and self-contained.
The alley was too narrow for us to walk side by side. Tiro followed behind me. From the direction of his voice I could tell that he kept glancing back over his shoulder. From the timbre of his voice I knew he was nervous.