systematism justifies and organizes
functionally, emphasizing the totalizing character of the process.
What juridical model, however, grasps all these characteristics of
the new supranational order?
In first attempting a definition, we would do well to recognize
that the dynamics and articulations ofthe new supranational juridical
order correspond strongly to the new characteristics that have come
to define internal orderings in the passage from modernity to post-
modernity.25 We should recognize this correspondence (perhaps in
Kelsen’s manner, and certainly in a realistic mode) not so much as
a ‘‘domestic analogy’’ for the international system, but rather as a
‘‘supranational analogy’’ for the domestic legal system. The primary
characteristics ofboth systems involve hegemony over juridical
practices, such as procedure, prevention, and address. Normativity,
sanction, and repression follow from these and are formed within the
procedural developments. The reason for the relative (but effective)
coincidence ofthe new functioning ofdomestic law and suprana-
tional law derives first of all from the fact that they operate on the
same terrain, namely, the terrain ofcrisis. As Carl Schmitt has taught
us, however, crisis on the terrain ofthe application oflaw should
focus our attention on the ‘‘exception’’ operative in the moment
ofits production.26 Domestic and supranational law are both defined
by their exceptionality.
The function of exception here is very important. In order
to take control ofand dominate such a completely fluid situation,
it is necessary to grant the intervening authority (1) the capacity to
W O R L D O R D E R
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define, every time in an exceptional way, the demands ofinterven-
tion; and (2) the capacity to set in motion the forces and instruments
that in various ways can be applied to the diversity and the plurality
ofthe arrangements in crisis. Here, therefore, is born, in the name
ofthe exceptionality ofthe intervention, a form ofright that is
really a right of the police. The formation of a new right is inscribed in the deployment ofprevention, repression, and rhetorical force
aimed at the reconstruction ofsocial equilibrium: all this is proper
to the activity ofthe police. We can thus recognize the initial and
implicit source ofimperial right in terms ofpolice action and the
capacity ofthe police to create and maintain order. The legitimacy
ofthe imperial ordering supports the exercise ofpolice power, while
at the same time the activity ofglobal police force demonstrates the
real effectiveness of the imperial ordering. The juridical power to
rule over the exception and the capacity to deploy police force
are thus two initial coordinates that define the imperial model
ofauthority.
Universal Values
We might well ask at this point, however, should we still use the
juridical term ‘‘right’’ in this context? How can we call right (and
specifically imperial right) a series oftechniques that, founded on
a state ofpermanent exception and the power ofthe police, reduces
right and law to a question of pure effectiveness? In order to address
these questions, we should first look more closely at the process of
imperial constitution that we are witnessing today. We should
emphasize from the start that its reality is demonstrated not only
by the transformations of international law it brings about, but also
by the changes it effects in the administrative law of individual
societies and nation-states, or really in the administrative law of
cosmopolitical society.27 Through its contemporary transformation
ofsupranational law, the imperial process ofconstitution tends either
directly or indirectly to penetrate and reconfigure the domestic
law ofthe nation-states, and thus supranational law powerf
ully
overdetermines domestic law.
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T H E P O L I T I C A L C O N S T I T U T I O N O F T H E P R E S E N T
Perhaps the most