infrastructure to speak of.
The foreign aid agenda of the 1970s:
the shift to a poverty focus
On 17 October 1973, Arab states placed an embargo on oil as a retaliation for US support for Israel in the Yom Kippur War. In just a few months, the price of petrol quadrupled, sending the global economy into turmoil. As oil prices soared, oil-exporting countries deposited the additional cash with international banks, which in turn eagerly sought to lend this money to the developing world. Lax economic and financial policies (for example, the low amounts central banks required commercial banks to keep in reserve) meant that the volume of lending to even the poorest and most un-creditworthy countries around the world was enormous. The wall of freely supplied money led to extremely low, and even negative, real interest rates, and encouraged many poorereconomies to start borrowing even more in order to repay previous debts.
In Africa, as oil prices rose many countries saw food prices rocket and recession take hold. In 1975 Ghana’s GDP contracted by 12 per cent, inflation rose from 3 per cent in 1970 to 30 per cent in 1975, and shot to 116 per cent in 1977. In Congo-Kinshasa, inflation rose from 8 per cent in 1970 to 80 per cent in 1976, and reached 101 per cent in 1979. Almost inevitably, food and commodity price shocks fuelled by rises in oil prices led to the shift towards a more poverty-based approach to development.
Under Robert McNamara, the World Bank very publicly reoriented its strategies towards this more pronounced poverty focus. Donor countries followed suit: in 1975 the UK published its white paper
More Aid for the Poorest
and in the same year the US passed the International Development and Food Assistance Act, which stipulated that 75 per cent of its Food for Peace Program would go to countries with a per capita income of less than US$300.
In practical terms this meant redirecting aid away from large infrastructure investment (power, transport, etc.), and towards projects in agriculture and rural development, social services (including housing, education and health), mass inoculation programmes, adult literacy campaigns, as well as food for the malnourished. The emphasis was now on the poor. By the end of the 1970s the proportion of aid allocated to social services had crept to over 50 per cent, up from under 10 per cent in the previous decade.
Although in the mid-1970s nearly two thirds of aid was for infrastructure – roads, railways, water and sewerage, ports, airports, power stations and telecommunications, the proportion of poverty-oriented lending rose from 5 per cent in the late 1970s to 50 per cent by the early 1980s. In the year of the first oil spike (between 1973 and 1974) the volume of poverty-related aid flows increased threefold; it more than doubled at the time of the second oil jump between 1979 and 1980. It should be understood that, like the majority of the infrastructure aid, much of the poverty-related aid did not come for free. Aid costs money. And unless it’sin the form of grants, it has to be paid back, with interest. This point would later come back to haunt many African states.
By the beginning of the 1970s the growth-oriented strategy was widely believed in policy circles to have failed in its mission to deliver sustained economic growth. Mounting numbers of people living in a state of absolute poverty, increasing levels of unemployment, rising income inequality, worsening balance of trade positions and a growing sense that sustained growth – real sustained growth – could not occur without materially improving the livelihood of society’s poor demanded a new aid strategy.
Yet, despite the aid aimed at poverty alleviation, recipients under the programme in countries such as Zambia would later see their poverty levels skyrocket and growth rates plummet. Another shift was underway in the 1970s. Up until the early part of the decade the US government (under the auspices of the US Agency