“Or torture.”
“Just as well,” Chavez said, stubbing out his cigarette and holding out his hand for another. He was something of a binge smoker, too. Martinez passed over the cigarette and lighter, rather than stooping to light the thing himself. The president, even in private, was too much a man of the people to permit such slavish decadence. His self image would never permit it.
Chavez took a deep drag, both enjoying the sensation and hating the fact that he did enjoy it. “Martinez, go home to your wife or something. If you stick around, I’ll smoke the whole damned pack. Anyway, leave me alone; I need to think.”
“Yes, Mr. President.”
As the aide walked off, Chavez, left alone, turned his thoughts to his and his country’s problems. In his mind, these often blurred. Then again, of whom in his position would this not have been true? He turned his attention back to the folder, and especially the operations matrix it contained.
The basic plan is reasonable, I suppose, Chavez thought, no matter what I told Martinez. It begins with a propaganda campaign both inside Guyana and here. Here, our people are reminded of their historic rights and their obligations to the future. There, our revolutionary fifth column demonstrates for liberation. Our money—while it lasts—swells the ranks of those demonstrating even as it ensures a fair amount of press coverage in favor of re-annexation. Then there’ll be a riot or two. A border incident in which some people in Guyanan uniforms are killed on our soil, as will be a dozen or so—however many enemies of the people Yare may have to spare at the time—‘innocent civilians.’ Maybe. Fake civilians might be overdoing it. Blanca always was too dramatic.
Chavez felt a minor twinge of conscience, brushing it aside with thoughts of omelets, eggs, and the price demanded by the future.
Meanwhile, the forces required expand and train: Marines, Fifth Infantry Division, the Parachute Brigade, a couple of companies of commandos, one battalion’s worth of light tanks and an extra of artillery, the Navy, and the Air Force.
Marines …one battalion’s worth …hey, I like that. Who would have thought they’d be so clever? The rest, via ship, leave Puerto la Cruz, Puerto Cabello and land directly at Georgetown, then push south toward the airport, clearing the road so we can resupply by sea. The LST’s ferry in the remainder of that brigade. The paras jump into and take control over Cheddi Jagan airport from Ciudad Bolivar. A forward refueling point goes in well beforehand, just off of Highway Ten, near Tumeremo, for the helicopters that don’t have the range to make the round trip between Guyana and Ciudad Bolivar. Fifth Division stages out of Ciudad Bolivar and Tumeremo, moving on helicopters, mostly, since the smaller Guyanan fields can’t take either the Boeings or the Airbus.
The Air Force, of course, pastes the Guyana armed forces, such as they are, in their barracks, before the first helicopter or plane touches down. Assuming that the ass-fuckers can find their targets, of course. This is not something I can guarantee.
Unfortunately, we can’t have them paste the gringo mercenaries. Or at least we can’t count on having them do it. There’s usually a regular battalion or two of gringos training there. Too risky to take a chance bombing them, even if the current regime in Washington is in sympathy with us.
Note to self: work really hard on getting the United States to not send anybody to train there during the time we’ll be operating. The planned riots should help there, a bit. If so, we can bomb the mercenaries.
Chavez exhaled in what was almost a sigh. It’s a simple enough plan, really, despite having a lot a moving parts to it. I wouldn’t trust any of them to do anything too very complex. Not that the generals and admirals aren’t devious; they are. But they’re politically devious without being, at the same time, militarily all that