Johnston’s headquarters. As governor of what had become the most hotly contested state in the West, Harris was an effective bridge between the army and the civilian authorities. It was supposed to be a positive complement to the army’s operations, that the civilians would heed their governor’s call for labor and materials, as well as volunteers to fill the army’s ranks. But to Johnston’s dismay, and the dismay of most of the state governors, it seemed nearly impossible to convince the people that this was becoming a war in the most dangerous sense, that the bloody fights were sure to spread, that no one could expect to remain comfortable. Nashville had been the most infuriating example of a people who cherished the illusion that their gallant army would wipe the Yankee threat completely away.
Long before the Federal troops had moved toward the two rivers, Johnston had issued requests from Texas to Richmond that with the woeful condition of his army, the lack of effective weapons and training and supply lines, the only way the Confederates could hope to achieve a significant victory was for the Federal command to make a deadly stupid mistake. So far, the only mistake Henry Halleck seemed to make, and make repeatedly, was one of delay. Johnston had heard just enough about the backbiting and intrigue that had sifted through the Federal commands to appreciate that clashes among bluecoated generals might offer the Confederate army the time it desperately needed to prepare for any major conflict on a more equal footing. Even though Johnston had been able to maintain his ragged defensive line across southern Kentucky, the strengthening of his army had been woeful. And, finally, Halleck and his generals had found the will to send a powerful fist into Tennessee.
While Johnston was still headquartered in Kentucky, the Southern newspapers had of course demanded aggression, as though Johnston’s army could simply rise up and march northward, threatening every city from Cincinnati to Chicago. Thankfully, Isham Harris seemed to be the one prominent politician who understood that even his own Tennessee could not be protected if the Confederacy did not equip and supply an army adequate to the task. It was the primary reason Johnston welcomed him to his staff. Harris was virtually the only politician west of the Appalachians who did not try to tell him how to run his command.
H arris absorbed Johnston’s words, rubbed his chin, nodded.
“ You do not seek to insult . Nicely phrased. I will remember that one. You really should consider politics, my friend. Once all of this military unpleasantness passes, I would heartily support you seeking some office. Senator Johnston, perhaps. Yes, that would be useful. We require a bit more respect in the Confederate government than some of the states seem willing to offer.”
Johnston had heard this before, that by his many years wearing a uniform, he would somehow be entitled to govern.
“No, I’ll leave government to those who enjoy that particular … game. You ever meet Sam Houston?”
“No, pretty sure I would remember that.”
“I knew him well. Those who served under him in Texas came to understand that commanding and governing require different talents. He was the most unpopular man, with the greatest popularity of any man I ever knew.”
Harris laughed again.
“You mean, he was respected and hated at the same time?”
Johnston paused, thought of Texas, fights and frustration, Indians and Mexicans and stubborn homesteaders.
“Sam Houston was … obeyed . Leave it at that. No other opinion is required. But I understand now how important that is. Here, I am obeyed . That would never be true if I was in a civilian suit in Richmond. Zachary Taylor understood that. Now, there was a man who was obeyed and loved, at the same time. But I must confess, when he ran for president, I was astonished. I knew he didn’t want the job, but there were too many in this country who
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