(1964) The Man Read Online Free PDF Page B

had leaned across Eaton. “T. C.,” he said into the microphone, “this is Wayne here. Is it that bad? Does Kasatkin mean it?”
    Over the loudspeaker T. C.’s retort was urgent. “Does he mean it? I’m not sure. That is what we have to judge. We have to decide how far we can go with blank cartridges. That is why I wanted to consult you before trying to digest my lunch. When I go back in there this afternoon, and sit down across from our Soviet friends, I want to know what ammunition I have or should have. In other words, I’ve got to decide how far I can go in showing Kasatkin and Marshal Borov that we intend to stand firm on Baraza, support its independence, even fight for it, at the same time making it clear that we want to be reasonable and are concerned with more dangerous trouble spots and greater issues abroad. You understand?”
    Listening, Presidential aide Wayne Talley displayed his pleasure, and shot a triumphant grin at Assistant Secretary Jed Stover.
    Arthur Eaton was speaking in the direction of the microphone box. “What are the latest Soviet charges against us, Mr. President?”
    “On Baraza?” said T. C. “A whole bill of particulars to prove the United States is becoming an aggressor in Africa, using Baraza merely as a beachhead for our eventual domination of all Africa. They argued that we manipulated Baraza’s independence in return for the promise that they would be pro-democracy and anti-Communist. Premier Kasatkin carried the ball the whole morning. He tried to prove that we did not allow Baraza to hold a fair and open election three months ago. He accused us of rigging it, and said we got our puppet, Kwame Amboko, in as President. You know what the Premier’s evidence was? That one of our old exchange programs financed Amboko’s coming to the United States fifteen years back, and this program financed his brainwashing at Harvard. Hear that, Arthur? Harvard is still giving us Princeton men trouble.” He laughed through a rising wave of static, but it was not a mirthful laugh. He went on quickly. “Premier Kasatkin pointed to Baraza’s new anti-Communist legislation, which is being debated in their Parliament. The Premier accused us of being behind it. He raved and ranted that we were bending Amboko’s arm to get the Communist Party outlawed and the cultural exchange program with Moscow stopped.”
    “What evidence did the Premier present to support that charge?” Eaton asked.
    “He had no concrete evidence,” replied T. C. “I could have stayed home and reread your Embassy reports, or the translations from Pravda , and known just as much. Kasatkin argued that the economic aid we were giving Baraza came from our government funds, and not from private enterprise, and that we had threatened to cut it off unless Amboko banned the Communist Party and the cultural exchange with Moscow. He said we were afraid of Communism in Africa, because we knew that was what the blacks wanted and needed. He said, ‘Those poor people know Communism gives them bread, while democracy gives them a vote and a Letter to the Editor.’ He’s a real smart aleck, in a sort of kulak way, and absolutely distrustful of everyone. He said not only was our money leading Amboko by the nose, but that we were also using our renewal of the African Unity Pact as a bribe. It all comes down to this—the Soviets are charging us with using Baraza as a launching pad to wipe native Communism out of Africa, so we can exploit the black population, control Baraza’s gold and iron ore. That’s the picture, my friends. It may look abstract, but it is realism, and we have to cope with it.”
    “You are perfectly right, Mr. President,” Eaton was saying, “we have heard most of that before. The question is—what do the Russians specifically want of us? After all, they instigated this Frankfurt conference to iron out differences. What are they suggesting?”
    T. C. snorted, and the loudspeaker sent the sound splitting across